Music of Japan

Sakura -Japanese Folk Music

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Wanderlust





Fuji on the Left of Tokaido Road
Utagawa Hiroshige

Why We Travel: A Love Affair with the World

Pico Iyer
 
Like falling in love, travel throws us into a state of delight, uncertainty and self-discovery. Like lovers, travelers both give and receive. Travelers, like lovers, go naked into the world.

 
We travel, initially, to lose ourselves; and we travel, next, to find ourselves. We travel to open our hearts and eyes and learn more about the world than our newspapers will accommodate. We travel to bring what little we can, in our ignorance and knowledge, to those parts of the globe whose riches are differently dispersed. And we travel, in essence, to become young fools again-to slow time down and get taken in, and fall in love once more.

The beauty of this whole process was perhaps best described, before people even took to frequent flying, by George Santayana in his lapidary essay, "The Philosophy of Travel." We "need sometimes," the Harvard philosopher wrote, "to escape into open solitudes, into aimlessness, into the moral holiday of running some pure hazard, in order to sharpen the edge of life, to taste hardship, and to be compelled to work desperately for a moment at no matter what."

I like that stress on work, since never more than on the road are we shown how proportional our blessings are to the difficulty that precedes them; and I like that stress on a holiday that's "moral," since we fall into our ethical habits as easily as into our beds at night. Few of us ever forget the connection between "travel" and "travail," and I know that I travel in large part in search of hardship-both my own, which I want to feel, and others', which I need to see. Travel in that sense guides us towards a better balance of wisdom and compassion-of seeing the world clearly, and yet feeling it truly. For seeing without feeling can obviously be uncaring; while feeling without seeing can be blind.

Yet for me the first great joy of traveling is simply the luxury of leaving all my beliefs and certainties at home, and seeing everything I thought I knew in a different light, and from a crooked angle. In that regard, even a Kentucky Fried Chicken outlet (in Beijing) or a scratchy revival showing of Wild Orchids (on the Champs-Elysees) can be both novelty and revelation: in China, after all, people will pay a whole week's wages to eat with Colonel Sanders, and in Paris, Mickey Rourke is regarded as the greatest actor since Jerry Lewis. If a Mongolian restaurant seems exotic to us in Evanston, Illinois, it only follows that a McDonald's would seem equally exotic in Ulan Bator-or, at least, equally far from everything expected. Though it's fashionable nowadays to draw a distinction between the "tourist" and the "traveler," perhaps the real distinction lies between those who leave their assumptions at home and those who don't: among those who don't, a tourist is just someone who complains, "Nothing here is the way it is at home," while a traveler is one who grumbles, "Everything here is the same as it is in Cairo-or Cuzco, or Kathmandu." It's all very much the same.

But for the rest of us, the sovereign freedom of traveling comes from the fact that it whirls you around and turns you upside down, and stands everything you took for granted on its head: if a diploma can famously be a passport (to a journey through hard realism), a passport can be a diploma (for a crash course in cultural relativism). And the first lesson we learn on the road, whether we like it or not, is how provisional and provincial are the things we imagine to be universal. When you go to North Korea, for example, you really do feel as if you've landed on a different planet-and the North Koreans doubtless feel that they're being visited by an extra-terrestrial, too (or else they simply assume that you, as they do, receive orders every morning from the Central Committee on what clothes to wear and what route to use when walking to work, and you, as they do, have loudspeakers in your bedroom broadcasting propaganda every morning at dawn, and you, as they do, have your radios fixed so as to receive only a single channel).

We travel, then, in part just to shake up our complacencies by seeing all the moral and political urgencies, the life-and-death dilemmas, that we seldom have to face at home. And we travel to fill in the gaps left by tomorrow's headlines: when you drive down the streets of Port-au-Prince, for example, where there is almost no paving and women relieve themselves next to mountains of trash, your notions of the Internet and a "one world order" grow usefully revised. Travel is the best way we have of rescuing the humanity of places, and saving them from abstraction and ideology.

And, in the process, we also get saved from abstraction ourselves, and come to see how much we can bring to the places we visit, and how much we can become a kind of carrier pigeon-an anti-Federal Express, if you like-in transporting back and forth what every culture needs. I find that I always take Michael Jordan posters to Kyoto, and bring woven ikebana baskets back to California; I invariably travel to Cuba with a suitcase piled high with bottles of Tylenol and bars of soap, and come back with one piled high with salsa tapes, and hopes, and letters to long-lost brothers. But more significantly, we carry values and beliefs and news to the places we go, and in many parts of the world, we become walking video screens and living newspapers, the only channels that can take people out of the censored limits of their homelands. In closed or impoverished places, like Pagan or Lhasa or Havana, we are the eyes and ears of the people we meet, their only contact with the world outside and, very often, the closest, quite literally, they will ever come to Michael Jackson or Bill Clinton. Not the least of the challenges of travel, therefore, is learning how to import-and export-dreams with tenderness.

By now all of us have heard (too often) the old Proust line about how the real voyage of discovery consists not in seeing new places but in seeing with new eyes. Yet one of the subtler beauties of travel is that it enables you to bring new eyes to the people you encounter. Thus even as holidays help you appreciate your own home more-not least by seeing it through a distant admirer's eyes-they help you bring newly appreciative-distant-eyes to the places you visit. You can teach them what they have to celebrate as much as you celebrate what they have to teach.

This, I think, is how tourism, which so obviously destroys cultures, can also resuscitate or revive them, how it has created new "traditional" dances in Bali, and caused craftsmen in India to pay new attention to their works. If the first thing we can bring the Cubans is a real and balanced sense of what contemporary America is like, the second-and perhaps more important-thing we can bring them is a fresh and renewed sense of how special are the warmth and beauty of their country, for those who can compare it with other places around the globe.

Thus travel spins us round in two ways at once: it shows us the sights and values and issues that we ordinarily might ignore; but it also, and more deeply, shows us all the parts of ourselves that might otherwise grow rusty. For in traveling to a truly foreign place, we inevitably travel to moods and states of mind and hidden inward passages that we'd otherwise seldom have cause to visit: on the most basic level, when I'm in Thailand, though a teetotaler who usually goes to bed at 9:00 p.m. each night, I stay up till dawn in the local bars; and in Tibet, though not a real Buddhist, I spend days on end in temples, listening to the chants of sutras. I go to Iceland to visit the lunar spaces within me, and, in the uncanny quietude and emptiness of that vast and treeless world, to tap parts of myself generally obscured by chatter and routine.

We travel, then, in search of both self and anonymity-and, of course, in finding the one we apprehend the other. Abroad, we are wonderfully free of caste and job and standing; we are, as Hazlitt puts it, just the "gentleman in the parlor," and people cannot put a name or tag to us. And precisely because we are clarified in this way, and freed of unessential labels, we have the opportunity to come into contact with more essential parts of ourselves (which may begin to explain why we may feel most alive when far from home).

Abroad is the place where we stay up late, follow impulse and find ourselves as wide open as when we are in love. We live without a past or future, for a moment at least, and are ourselves up for grabs and open to interpretation. We even may become mysterious-to others, at first, and sometimes to ourselves-and, as no less a dignitary than Oliver Cromwell once noted, "A man never goes so far as when he does not know where he is going."

There are, of course, great dangers to this, as to every kind of freedom, but the great promise of it is that, traveling, we are born again, and able to return at moments to a younger and a more open kind of self. Traveling is a way to reverse time, to a small extent, and make a day last a year-or at least 45 hours-and traveling is an easy way of surrounding ourselves, as in childhood, with what we cannot understand. Language facilitates this cracking open, for when we go to France, we often migrate to French, and the more child-like self, simple and polite, that speaking a foreign language educes. Even when I'm speaking pidgin English in Hanoi, I'm simplified in a positive way, and concerned not with expressing myself, but simply making sense.

So travel, for many of us, is a quest for not just the unknown, but the unknowing; I, at least, travel in search of an innocent eye that can return me to a more innocent self. I tend to believe more abroad than I do at home (which, though treacherous again, can at least help me to extend my vision), and I tend to be more easily excited abroad, and even kinder. And since no one I meet can "place" me-no one can fix me in my resumé-I can remake myself for better, as well as, of course, for worse (if travel is notoriously a cradle for false identities, it can also, at its best, be a crucible for truer ones). In this way, travel can be a kind of monasticism on the move: on the road, we often live more simply (even when staying in a luxury hotel), with no more possessions than we can carry, and surrendering ourselves to chance.

This is what Camus meant when he said that "what gives value to travel is fear"-disruption, in other words (or emancipation), from circumstance and all the habits behind which we hide. And that is why many of us travel not in search of answers, but of better questions. I, like many people, tend to ask questions of the places I visit, and relish most the ones that ask the most searching questions back of me: in Paraguay, for example, where one car in every two is stolen, and two thirds of the goods on sale are smuggled, I have to rethink my every Californian assumption. And in Thailand, where many young women give up their bodies in order to protect their families-to become better Buddhists-I have to question my own too-ready judgments. "The ideal travel book," Christopher Isherwood once said, "should be perhaps a little like a crime story in which you're in search of something." And it's the best kind of something, I would add, if it's one that you can never quite find.

I remember, in fact, after my first trips to Southeast Asia more than a decade ago, how I would come back to my apartment in New York City and lie in my bed, kept up by something more than jet-lag, playing back in my memory, over and over, all that I had experienced, and paging wistfully through my photographs and reading and re-reading my diaries, as if to extract some mystery from them. Anyone witnessing this strange scene would have drawn the right conclusion: I was in love.

For if every true love affair can feel like a journey to a foreign country, where you can't quite speak the language, and you don't know where you're going, and you're pulled ever deeper into an inviting darkness, every trip to a foreign country can be a love affair, where you're left puzzling over who you are and whom you've fallen in with. All the great travel books are love stories, by some reckoning-from the Odyssey and the Aeneid to the Divine Comedy and the New Testament-and all good trips are, like love, about being carried out of yourself and deposited in the midst of terror and wonder.

And what this metaphor also brings home to us is that all travel is a two-way transaction, as we too easily forget, and if warfare is one model of the meeting of nations, romance is another. For what we all too often ignore when we go abroad is that we are objects of scrutiny as much as the people we scrutinize, and we are being consumed by the cultures we consume, as much on the road as when we are at home. At the very least, we are objects of speculation (and even desire) who can seem as exotic to the people around us as they do to us.

We are the comic props in Japanese home-movies, the oddities in Maliese anecdotes and the fall-guys in Chinese jokes; we are the moving postcards or bizarre objets trouvés that villagers in Peru will later tell their friends about. If travel is about the meeting of realities, it is no less about the mating of illusions: you give me my dreamed-of vision of Tibet, and I'll give you your wished-for California. And in truth, many of us, even (or especially) the ones who are fleeing America abroad, will get taken, willy-nilly, as symbols of the American Dream. That, in fact, is perhaps the most central and most wrenching of the questions travel proposes to us: how to respond to the dreams that people tender to you? Do you encourage their notions of a Land of Milk and Honey across the horizon, even if it is the same land you've abandoned? Or do you try to dampen their enthusiasm for a place that exists only in the mind? To quicken their dreams may, after all, be to matchmake them with an illusion; yet to dash them may be to strip them of the one possession that sustains them in adversity.

That whole complex interaction-not unlike the dilemmas we face with those we love (how do we balance truthfulness and tact?)-is partly the reason why so many of the great travel writers, by nature, are enthusiasts: not just Pierre Loti, who famously, infamously, fell in love wherever he alighted (an archetypal sailor leaving offspring in the form of Madame Butterfly myths), but also Henry Miller, or D.H. Lawrence, or Graham Greene, all of whom bore out the hidden truth that we are optimists abroad as readily as pessimists at home. None of them was by any means blind to the deficiencies of the places around them, but all, having chosen to go there, chose to find something to admire.

All, in that sense, believed in "being moved" as one of the points of taking trips, and "being transported" by private as well as public means; all saw that "ecstasy" ("ex-stasis") tells us that our highest moments come when we're not stationary, and that epiphany can follow movement as much as it precipitates it. I remember once asking the great travel writer Norman Lewis if he'd ever be interested in writing on apartheid South Africa. He looked at me astonished. "To write well about a thing," he said, "I've got to like it!"

At the same time, as all this is intrinsic to travel, from Ovid to O'Rourke, travel itself is changing as the world does, and with it, the mandate of the travel writer. It's not enough to go to the ends of the earth these days (not least because the ends of the earth are often coming to you); and where a writer like Jan Morris could, a few years ago, achieve something miraculous simply by voyaging to all the great cities of the globe, now anyone with a Visa card can do that. So where Morris, in effect, was chronicling the last days of Empire, a younger travel writer is in a better position to chart the first days of a new Empire, post-national, global, mobile and yet as diligent as the Raj in transporting its props and its values around the world.

In the mid-nineteenth century, the British famously sent the Bible and Shakespeare and cricket round the world; now a more international kind of Empire is sending Madonna and the Simpsons and Brad Pitt. And the way in which each culture takes in this common pool of references tells you as much about them as their indigenous products might. Madonna in an Islamic country, after all, sounds radically different from Madonna in a Confucian one, and neither begins to mean the same as Madonna on East 14th Street. When you go to a McDonald's outlet in Kyoto, you will find Teriyaki McBurgers and Bacon Potato Pies. The placemats offer maps of the great temples of the city, and the posters all around broadcast the wonders of San Francisco. And-most crucial of all-the young people eating their Big Macs, with baseball caps worn backwards, and tight 501 jeans, are still utterly and inalienably Japanese in the way they move, they nod, they sip their Oolong Teas-and never to be mistaken for the patrons of a McDonald's outlet in Rio, or Morocco, or Managua. These days a whole new realm of exotica arises out of the way one culture colors and appropriates the products of another.

The other factor complicating and exciting all of this is people, who are, more and more, themselves as many-tongued and mongrel as cities like Sydney or Toronto or Hong Kong. I am, in many ways, an increasingly typical specimen, if only because I was born, as the son of Indian parents, in England, moved to America at seven and cannot really call myself an Indian, an American or an Englishman. I was, in short, a traveler at birth, for whom even a visit to the candy store was a trip through a foreign world where no one I saw quite matched my parents' inheritance, or my own. And though some of this is involuntary and tragic-the number of refugees in the world, which came to just 2.5 million in 1970, is now at least 27.4 million-it does involve, for some of us, the chance to be trans-national in a happier sense, able to adapt anywhere, used to being outsiders everywhere and forced to fashion our own rigorous sense of home. (And if nowhere is quite home, we can be optimists everywhere).

Besides, even those who don't move around the world find the world moving more and more around them. Walk just six blocks, in Queens or Berkeley, and you're traveling through several cultures in as many minutes; get into a cab outside the White House, and you're often in a piece of Addis Ababa. And technology, too, compounds this (sometimes deceptive) sense of availability, so that many people feel they can travel around the world without leaving the room-through cyberspace or CD-ROMs, videos and virtual travel. There are many challenges in this, of course, in what it says about essential notions of family and community and loyalty, and in the worry that air-conditioned, purely synthetic versions of places may replace the real thing-not to mention the fact that the world seems increasingly in flux, a moving target quicker than our notions of it. But there is, for the traveler at least, the sense that learning about home and learning about a foreign world can be one and the same thing.

All of us feel this from the cradle, and know, in some sense, that all the significant movement we ever take is internal. We travel when we see a movie, strike up a new friendship, get held up. Novels are often journeys as much as travel books are fictions; and though this has been true since at least as long ago as Sir John Mandeville's colorful fourteenth-century accounts of a Far East he'd never visited, it's an even more shadowy distinction now, as genre distinctions join other borders in collapsing. In Mary Morris' House Arrest, a thinly disguised account of Castro's Cuba, the novelist reiterates on the copyright page, "All dialogue is invented. Isabella, her family, the inhabitants and even la isla itself are creations of the author's imagination." On page 172, however, we read, "La isla, of course, does exist. Don't let anyone fool you about that. It just feels as if it doesn't. But it does." No wonder the travel writer narrator-a fictional construct (or not)?-confesses to devoting her travel magazine column to places that never existed. "Erewhon," after all, the undiscovered land in Samuel Butler's great travel novel, is just "nowhere" rearranged.

Travel, then, is a voyage into that famously subjective zone, the imagination, and what the traveler brings back is-and has to be-an ineffable compound of himself and the place, what's really there and what's only in him. Thus Bruce Chatwin's books seem to dance around the distinction between fact and fancy. V.S. Naipaul's last book, A Way in the World, was published as a non-fictional "series" in England, and a "novel" over here. And when some of the stories in Paul Theroux's half-invented memoir, My Other Life, were published in The New Yorker, they were slyly categorized as "Fact and Fiction."

And since travel is, in a sense, about the conspiracy of perception and imagination, the two great travel writers, for me, to whom I constantly return, are Emerson and Thoreau (the one who famously advised that "Traveling is a fool's paradise," and the other who "traveled a good deal in Concord"). Both of them insist on the fact that reality is our creation, and that we invent the places we see as much as we do the books that we read. What we find outside ourselves has to be inside ourselves for us to find it. Or, as Sir Thomas Browne sagely put it, "We carry within us the wonders we seek without us. There is Africa and her prodigies in us." So, if more and more of us have to carry our sense of home inside us, we also-Emerson and Thoreau remind us-have to carry with us our sense of destination. The most valuable Pacifics we explore will always be the vast expanses within us, and the most important Northwest Crossings the thresholds we cross in the heart. The virtue of finding a gilded pavilion in Kyoto is that it allows you to take back a more lasting, private Golden Temple to your office in Rockefeller Center.

And even as the world seems to grow more exhausted, our travels do not, and some of the finest travel books in recent years have been those that undertake a parallel journey, matching the physical steps of a pilgrimage with the metaphysical steps of a questioning (as in Peter Matthiessen's great Snow Leopard), or chronicling a trip to the farthest reaches of human strangeness (as in Oliver Sacks's Island of the Colour-Blind, which features a journey not just to a remote atoll in the Pacific, but to a realm where people actually see light differently). The most distant shores, we are constantly reminded, lie within the person asleep at our side.

So travel, at heart, is just a quick way of keeping our minds mobile and awake. As Santayana, the heir to Emerson and Thoreau, wrote, "There is wisdom in turning as often as possible from the familiar to the unfamiliar; it keeps the mind nimble; it kills prejudice, and it fosters humor." Romantic poets inaugurated an era of travel because they were the great apostles of open eyes. Buddhist monks are often vagabonds, in part because they believe in wakefulness. And if travel is like love, it is, in the end, mostly because it's a heightened state of awareness, in which we are mindful, receptive, undimmed by familiarity and ready to be transformed. That is why the best trips, like the best love-affairs, never really end.


Originally published in the March 1999 issue of the Shambhala Sun. 

Murasaki Shikabu (Harvard Magazine)


File:Lady Murasaki writing.png


Harvard Magazine


Murasaki Shikibu

Brief life of a legendary novelist: c. 973-1014


The Japanese woman who wrote the extraordinary Tale of Genji a thousand years ago is  known only by a nickname. Her given name went unrecorded, which was normal for a daughter. Shikibu, which means "Bureau of Ceremonial," refers to a post once held by her father, and Murasaki, the name of a plant that produces a purple dyestuff, is her tale’s main heroine.
Our Murasaki was born into a lesser branch of the powerful Fujiwara family, whose males occupied most of the highest positions in the imperial government. The greatest might rule as regent or marry a daughter to the emperor and have an imperial grandson. Murasaki’s father, however, was only a scholar and a provincial governor who served in Harima, Echigo, and Echizen, to which his daughter accompanied him in 996. Liza Dalby’s fictional autobiography, The Tale of Murasaki, gives her a romantic adventure there, on the coast of the Sea of Japan, with one of the Chinese merchants who sometimes visited.
Vita
Vita.secondimage
These paintings by the seventeenth-century artist Tosa Mitsuoki frame a set of 54 album leaf paintings done by Tosa Mitsunobu about 1510.
Paintings courtesy of the Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, bequest of the Hofer Collection of the Arts of Asia ©President and Fellows of Harvard College. Photographs by Peter Siegel
Murasaki married in 998 or 999, but lost her husband in 1001. Her daughter, probably born in 999, became a distinguished poet. About 1006, Murasaki was called to serve the empress, no doubt because of her talent for writing stories. She last appears in a record dating from 1013, and may have died the following year. Apart from The Tale of Genji she left a collection of her poetry and a fragmentary diary devoted largely to events at the palace in 1008. She does mention that she learned Chinese by listening outside the door while her father taught her brother, and that later she gave the empress lessons in reading Chinese poetry.
In her time, court ladies were expected to confine themselves to stories written in Japanese. Such frivolities were supposedly beneath men’s notice, yet her hero declares in one chapter, "Without stories like these about the old days, though, how would we ever pass the time when there is nothing else to do? Besides, among these lies there certainly are some plausibly touching scenes, convincingly told….We may disbelieve the blatantly impossible but still be amazed by magnificently contrived wonders…." Her own story, centered on the life of the "shining prince," Genji, evoked for her contemporaries a version of their world in which many things are done right for a change. Even so, life’s cruelties show clearly enough through the grace of color and form; the author saw things very clearly.
No one knows just when she began her tale or when she finished it, but her diary suggests that whatever existed in 1007 or 1008 was hers, and she has been recognized ever since as the author of all 54 chapters. The chapters, however, do not all seem to have been written in their present order. The tale contains some astonishing writing, but it also suggests brilliant editing. Does it have a consciously planned structure? Many doubt that it does, apart from the loose continuity of time as the characters age, but others (like me) see a more concerted design. The question is one for each reader to decide.
A book-length, fourteenth-century commentary on the tale relates that a certain princess once asked the empress whether she had any new stories. Having none to offer, the empress asked Murasaki Shikibu to write one. The lady therefore went on pilgrimage to Ishiyama-dera, a temple near the southern end of Lake Biwa, a day’s journey by ox carriage east of Kyoto, in search of inspiration. According to legend, Murasaki had been close since childhood to a gifted courtier unjustly exiled to Kyushu. That night at the temple, the full moon of the eighth lunar month shone up from the lake’s waters, and while she lost herself in its beauty a vision of the tale rose before her. She saw her hero, Genji, languishing in unjust exile on the shore of a moonlit sea, and the image was so compelling that, lest she forget it, she immediately wrote down what became chapters 11 and 12. After that, the legend says, she simply added the others until she had 54 in all.
The artist Tosa Mitsuoki’s evocation of the legend has a simple grandeur. In his first painting, the author sits before a writing desk at Ishiyama-dera, gazing out through open, double doors at a broad scene of lake and hills; in the second, a full moon soars over the hills as its reflection shines up from the lake. The two works frame 54 others, each illustrating a chapter of the tale, as though his Murasaki contemplatesthrough the chapters the moon from which her vision and insight issue, and to which they return.
Hers is certainly a most remarkable tale. After eight and a half years spent translating, pondering, and discussing it, I still cannot imagine how she created it. The gist of a passage Montaigne wrote in praise of Homer applies equally well to Murasaki Shikibu.
It is against nature that he made the most excellent creation that could ever be; for things are normally born imperfect, then grow and gather strength as they do so. He took poetry and several other sciences in their infancy and brought them to perfect, accomplished maturity. [Thus] one may call him the first and last of poets, in accordance with that fine tribute left to us by antiquity: that, having had no predecessor to imitate, he had no successor capable of imitating him.
Similarly, nothing earlier announces The Tale of Genji, and nothing came close to it again.
Royall Tyler ’57 is a visiting professor of Japanese at Harvard. His new translation of The Tale of Genji was published by Viking late last year.



Tuesday, October 16, 2012

The Emperor and the Bodhisattva


File:Emperor Shomu.jpg



Shōmu
Emperor of Japan



Shōmu, in full Shōmu Tennō, personal name Obito   (born 701, Yamato [near Nara], Japan—died June 21, 756, Nara), 45th emperor of Japan, who devoted huge sums of money to the creation of magnificent Buddhist temples and artifacts throughout the realm; during his reign Buddhism virtually became the official state religion.
He ascended the throne in 724, taking the reign name Shōmu. In 729 his consort, a member of the powerful Fujiwara family, was declared empress, shattering the precedent that all empress consorts had to be princesses of the blood. Shōmu and his wife were both devout Buddhists, and he attempted to create a Buddhist structure throughout the country that would parallel the existing nationwide state bureaucracy. To this end he lavished huge sums of money on existing temples and monasteries and in 741 ordered the founding of a branch monastery and nunnery in each province. In addition, every temple was given a scripture (sutra), which the emperor himself copied out. The Tōdai Temple in the capital city of Nara was erected as the central temple. Rebuilt on a smaller scale nine centuries later, its Great Buddha Hall (Daibutsuden) is still the largest wooden building in the world. The original hall was 288 feet (88 metres) long, 169 feet (51.5 metres) wide, and 156 feet (48.5 metres) high and housed a huge bronze image of Vairocana (Birushana Butsu), the universal Buddha, which Shōmu had made as a protector of the central government. Begun in 743, the approximately 53-foot- (16-metre- ) high seated figure utilized 500 tons of copper, tin, lead, and gold gilding. Marred by later repairs, the statue is not considered a great work of art, but it is one of the two largest bronze figures in the world. Shōmu dedicated it in his celebrated speech of 752 in which he declared himself the slave of the Three Precious Things—the Buddha, Buddhist law, and the church. The ritual objects used in this dedication ceremony, together with the emperor’s personal effects, were placed in the large log-built imperial storehouse called the Shōsō Repository (Shōsō-in). These well-preserved artifacts provide a unique account of 8th-century Japan. Although Shōmu’s building program depleted the imperial treasury, the Nara period is considered one of the richest cultural periods in Japanese history.

Gyōki, Bodhisattva of Japan (668-749)



 

 For more than a thousand years, the Japanese Buddhist priest Gyōki has been well known for his seventh-century charitable religious activities. His biographies and hagiographies tell that not long after the “official introduction” of Buddhism into Japan, Gyōki roamed the countryside propagating the teachings together with farming techniques to oppressed people hungry for both. His activities correspond to a Bodhisattva ethics that stand in defiance of both secular law and monastic codes at a time when the government was struggling to establish and maintain strict control of Buddhists by confining them to temple grounds for academic study. With supporters outside the capital swelling to thousands, an imperial edit was issued against his actions. This tactic seems to have backfired as Gyōki's hero status continued to grow among the non-aristocratic population. Perhaps as a result, the government eventually reversed its stance toward Gyōki and he was awarded the rank of High Priest (Daisōjō). Meanwhile, among the people he became known as the Bodhisattva Gyōki (Gyōki Bosatsu). Subsequently, he became the first person in Japan to be awarded the title Bodhisattva by the government as an official rank.
            Throughout Japanese history, Gyōki reappears in literature as an archetype of both a man of the people and as a shaman-priest. The most famous of Haiku poets, Matsuo Bashō, wrote of Gyōki in his seminal work Narrow Road to the Deep North.
The Chinese graph for chestnut consists of west and tree and is, therefore, linked up with the Western Paradise of Amitābha (J. Amida). This is why the Bodhisattva Gyōki all throughout his lifetime used the wood of this tree both for his walking stick and for the pillar supports of his house.
Men of the world
Fail to see its blossoms:
Chestnut of the eaves.
            Bashō’s literary conception of Gyōki follows the often-portrayed image of his predecessor. Since at least four hundred years after Gyōki’s death, when he was further immortalized in the Miraculous Tales of Japan, typical features found characterizing his persona as seen in Bashō’s words include, 1) much walking and living among the people as opposed to being confined to temple study as the government of his day would have it, 2) fervent belief in Amida’s Paradise in the West, 3) the blend of shaman-like powers and Buddhism as with his ability to perceive the true nature of things, in contrast with the vision of “men of the world.”
            These qualities may explain his popularity and even the worship of him in the Kamakura period, over five hundred years after his death when such an image would be revered. Yet, from biographical and physical evidence dated earlier, researchers now question at least the latter two components of his popular image, if stopping short of the more radical suggestion that his entire biography could have been fabricated. Nevertheless, if Gyōki’s faith in the saving powers of Amida was grossly exaggerated and if his life was not a blend of shamanism and Buddhism, the emerging portrait of him as propagator of an earlier or 'more pure' form of Buddhism is even more appealing to a modern audience. The early national histories of Japan clearly indicate the government’s position on Buddhism at the time Gyōki lived was that it offered to their disposal a magical potential that could be harnessed for economic, political and healing powers. Writings such as the Nihon Shōgi andShoku Nihongi leave little room for doubt that this accounts for the official interest in Buddhism and controlled support of its study and practice. Nevertheless, besides being perceived as an uncontrolled spiritual power, Gyōki may have been imagined to present, his arrest was likely related to reports of huge gatherings of rural people he was organizing. This was seen as an imminent political threat to the instable power of the capital.
            Gyōki’s reported behavior centers on building hostels, opening farm lands, constructing irrigation systems and other charitable activities aimed at improving life for a large number of people. This emphasis does not tell of a tendency to rely on magic or the saving power of another (tariki [1] ) as seen after Gyōki’s time in the esoteric Buddhist movements of the Heian period and the Pure Land traditions become immensely popular afterwards. For this and other reasons, researchers have suggested the possibility that the Buddhism Gyōki propagated may instead be seen to represent a tendency toward rejection of the notion of magic Buddhism embraced by the government, as well as their scholastic studies. In addition, Gyōki’s Buddhist master was master Dōkyō, who first propagated the Hossō (Sanskrit: Yogācāra) tradition in Japan. Many aspects of Gyōki’s charitable projects are easily understood in light of the content of Yogācāra texts that Dōkyō is known to have imported from China and taught in Japan. Viewed in this way, Gyōki’s was a mass movement against the government's insistence on magic and scholastic study by Buddhists. Instead, like the historical Buddha Shakyamuni, Gyōki emphasized Buddhist practice, stressing charity work. Saichō, the famous Heian period founder of the Japanese Tendai Buddhist tradition, praises Gyōki for these very qualities and seeks to emulate his lifestyle.
            Gyōki’s place in the history of Japanese Buddhism has been insured for centuries by hagiographies and literary works disseminating the image Bashō upholds. If, however, recent scholars are correct in assessing the nature of his form of Buddhism, Gyōki’s role in the history of Japanese Buddhism has not only been mistakenly categorized but also likely underestimated. Regardless, a fabricated image persisting in various usages a thousand years is no less influential. It is the task of the present study to familiarize the reader with portraits of Gyōki's life. Because of the importance of legends about Gyōki for both the history of Japanese Buddhism and to Japan in general, while this study points to modern scholarship and sometimes interprets Gyōki’s actions for a Yogācāra perspective, it also introduces the most influential stories about Gyōki. In order to better explain the activities of his life these are framed within the context of Japanese history and the history of Japanese Buddhism.





Interview with Matthew Welch

Curator of Korean and Japanese Art
1. Can you give us some background on this sculpture?
Profile of Gyoki
(1) Portrait Sculpture of Priest Gyoki in profile.



This sculpture represents Gyoki, a Japanese Buddhist priest who lived in the 8th century.(1) He traveled throughout Japan, raising funds for the construction of many temples, but also important public works like hospitals, dikes, and irrigation systems that greatly improved the lives of ordinary people. Ultimately, he became the spiritual advisor of Emperor Shomu, and played an important role in the creation of the colossal bronze Buddha of Todaiji. This was a national undertaking and united the country in support of Buddhism. At the time of his death in 749, Gyoki was one of Japan's most celebrated monks and the emperor himself proclaimed him to be a living bodhisattva.
2. So the colossal Buddha was created. Is it still around today?
The bronze Buddha took more than seven years to cast. In 752 the former emperor and empress held a dedication ceremony attended by some 10,000 monks, members of the aristocracy, and military officials. Bodhisena, an Indian monk who made the long journey from his homeland for the momentous event, performed the "eye-opening" ceremony in which he animated the sculpture by painting the irises of the great Buddha with a huge brush.
Daibutsu at Todaiji
(2) The Great Buddha at Todaiji as it appears today.
The colossal bronze Buddha still exists. The building itself burned twice in the course of Japanese history, and the colossal Buddha was severely damaged on both occasions. So the sculpture that one can see today is very different from the original. Still, it is an awe-inspiring sight that towers over 48 feet above its massive lotus pedestal.(2)
3. OK, so back to our sculpture here. Describe what sets it apart.
Daibutsu at Todaiji
(3) Scowl and knitted brow.
Unlike other depictions of Buddhist deities on display in this gallery, which are unnaturally calm and serene, this image of priest Gyoki is meant to represent an actual person. Consequently, the artist attempted to depict the features that distinguished him as an individual—like the unique way he knitted his brow.(2) Secondly, the artist tried to capture something of the priest's determined spirit. His stern, somewhat fierce stare certainly conveys something of his unwavering resolve to champion Buddhism in Japan.
4. So the challenge would have been about how to convey that unique combination—both human and heavenly.
That's right. Gyoki was considered a living bodhisattva, but he was also a very real person.
Gyoki's Kesa
(4) Black and red pigment on the monk's carved robe.
He also wears the robes of a monk. If you look closely, I think you can patches of black and red, even though some pigment has been lost. (4)
The pattern of black and red is meant to represent the priest's kesa(pronunciation: "KAY-sah"), or ceremonial stole. In the past, members of the aristocracy would donate their gorgeous, but worn, robes to Buddhist monasteries. The monks would salvage undamaged pieces of cloth and sew them together in patchwork fashion to create these kesa. In this way, they demonstrated their frugality.
5. It's a little jarring to see such realism in the midst of more stylized figures.
I agree. On the other hand, portrait sculpture and painting is an important part of Buddhist art in Japan. While images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas are the main focus of worship within a temple's main hall, many temples also have smaller halls dedicated to their founders. As a way of reminding young monks about the self-sacrifice and hard work of these great priests, they are often assigned to make offerings and pray before these statues every morning and evening. In this way, a young monk comes to know the priest, who may have lived hundreds of year earlier, in a very intimate way. The realism of the depiction—including facial imperfections, emaciated chest, and so on—helps remind everyone that the priest was, in fact, an ordinary human who achieved great things.
6. Buddhism seems to have been at a real high point in Japan when Gyoki was living.
That's right. By the Nara period—roughly the 7th and 8th centuries—Buddhism had become firmly established in Japan. As in other Asian countries, Buddhism also became a means whereby the ruler could unify the country. Rather than continuing to be a personal path to spiritual salvation—as it originally began—Buddhism, with its vast pantheon of powerful deities, became a means to protect entire nations and their rulers. Consequently, people devoted enormous resources to the construction of monasteries and temples, and in the case of priest Gyoki, to the construction of a colossal Buddha in the fervent belief that it would protect the Japanese from calamities ranging from invasion to devastating typhoons.
7. Tell us about what he's holding.
Gyoki's Kesa
(5) Gyoki holds a scepter, symbolizing authority.
Gyoki is holding a kind of scepter, a symbol of authority, called a nyoi(pronunciation: "NYOY") in Japanese.(5) Buddhist priests typically carrynyoi while conducting formal ceremonies. Nyoi have a large, three-lobed head that is a stylized interpretation of the cloud-eared mushroom. Such mushrooms were believed to have potent medicinal properties and so became an auspicious symbol of long life. While nyoi can be made of a variety of materials, this one is of carved wood covered with black lacquer and gold leaf.
8. Gyoki lived in the 8th century, but this representation of him wasn't made until the 17th century. Why was there so much interest in Gyoki so long after his life?
The enormous building that held the bronze Buddha was destroyed in 1567 during a period of political unrest and civil warfare. Once the Tokugawa regime reestablished order in the country in the early 17th century, they set about supporting the reconstruction of lost or damaged temples. Consequently, people recalled the efforts of priest Gyoki who was responsible for creating the original Buddha in the 8th century. There arose a kind of cult devoted to Gyoki, whose members called upon his spirit to aid them in their efforts to repair the damaged Buddha and rebuild Todaiji temple. As a result, many small memorial halls were constructed throughout central Japan dedicated to Gyoki, and each of these was outfitted with a sculptural or painted image of the priest.
9. Does this help us see where mere humans fit in the Buddhist hierarchy?
In a way. Certainly such devotional images of high priests link the complex Buddhist pantheon to humankind. On the other hand, these men and women are considered paragons of the faith, whose efforts are so superhuman that they are considered living bodhisattvas—a divinity on earth. The most obvious example of this kind of person today is the Dalai Lama, who is also considered to be a living Bodhisattva.
10. Finally, how does this image of Gyoki compare with others?
This image is based on earlier examples. It is likely that images of Gyoki were created soon after he died, but the earliest image that I know about was created in the 1249 on the 500th anniversary of his death. That sculpture is owned by Toshodaiji Temple, in Nara, and it also has the distinctive inverted u-shaped expression on his forehead. So, although the artisans who created the museum's example lived nearly 1000 years after Gyoki's death, they were able to capture the specifics of his appearance by depending on earlier sculptures.



From:
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/541505/Shomu

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emperor_Sh%C5%8Dmu

http://ww2.coastal.edu/rgreen/gyoki.htm

http://www.artsmia.org/viewer/detail.php?v=2&id=4867




Monday, October 15, 2012

Shotoku




Taishi Shōtoku




Shōtoku, Taishi [Credit: David Murray Collection/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (Digital File Number: LC-DIG-jpd-01141)]
File:Shotoku Taishi by Kogan Zenji.jpg
Taishi Shōtoku, original name Umayado    (born 574, Yamato, Japan—died April 8, 622, Yamato), influential regent of Japan and author of some of the greatest contributions to Japanese historiography, constitutional government, and ethics.
Shōtoku was a member of the powerful Soga family and was the second son of the short-reigned emperor Yōmei. When political maneuvering brought his aunt to the throne, Shōtoku became crown prince and regent in 593. He remained in that position until his death. One of his first acts was to resume sending envoys to China, a practice that had been discontinued since the 5th century, thus opening up avenues for cultural, economic, and political exchange. He imported scores of Chinese artists, craftsmen, and clerks into Japan, adopted the Chinese calendar, created a system of highways, and erected many Buddhist temples, including the Hōryū Temple, built in 607 in Ikaruga, near Nara, which is now considered among the oldest surviving wooden structures in the world.
Shōtoku promoted Buddhism and Confucianism in what had been an exclusively Shintō milieu and brought new political, religious, and artistic institutions to Japan. By means of persuasion and political maneuver, he emulated in his own country the giant bureaucratic empire of China and expanded the authority of the imperial house, bringing back into its hands powers that had been delegated to the feudal lords.
Shōtoku compiled the chronicles of the government, after the Chinese model, to make up the first book of Japanese history. He also instituted a system of 12 court ranks, each identified by the colour of the cap an official wore. This scheme became one of the most important changes in the Japanese government, for it meant a break with the old system of hereditary posts and implied a bureaucracy of merit along the Chinese model.
His “Seventeen Article Constitution” (604) instructed the Japanese ruling class in Confucian ethical concepts and the Chinese bureaucratic system, which he held up as an ideal for Japanese government. Although there is some doubt whether this document was the work of Shōtoku or perhaps a later forgery, it represents his thinking and resulted from his influence. He is remembered also for irrigation projects and social-welfare measures. He worked for the spread of Buddhism and after his death was looked upon as a Buddhist saint.





From:
 http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/541897/Taishi-Shotoku
And
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prince_Sh%C5%8Dtoku




Wednesday, October 10, 2012

Japan's Shocking Art World





Contemporary art in Japan

Harakiri hellraiser

An enfant terrible of Japanese art comes out of the shadows

The painter and the line of duty
MAKOTO AIDA’S first retrospective is 250 metres above ground in the Mori Art Museum, on top of one of Tokyo’s swankiest skyscrapers. But there is nothing rarefied about the collection itself. Part of its charm is that it appears to have poured out of what the artist calls his “skewed” mind in a cascade of impish disorder.
There are doe-eyed girls in various states of undress, smiling and languishingly carefree. It takes a moment to realise that the one winking mischievously in “Harakiri School Girls” is disembowelling herself with a samurai sword. Or that the frolicking nudes in his latest (unfinished) work—spread over a large wall—are being blown to bits by a gun, their insides spilling out in a puff of flowers, strawberries and diamonds.
Some work, which gently parodies Japanese masterpieces, reveals what a deft and meticulous painter he is. To some, his video impersonation of a drunken Osama bin Laden claiming to have found peace at last in a Japanese izakaya, or pub, is just plain funny.It is hard to tell whether “War Picture Returns”—a homage to the disgraced second world war artists who did their jobs of glorifying Japan’s war machine all too well—is pro- or anti-war. Mr Aida insists there is nothing political about works such as “A Picture of an Air Raid on New York City”, which shows Japanese “Zero” fighters in an infinity formation flying over a flaming Manhattan. It came, he says, from a mind overcrowded with images after watching too many war films.
But perhaps most intriguing is that the 47-year-old’s exhibition is taking place at all. His contemporary, Takashi Murakami, has recommended that any Japanese contemporary artist who wants to become rich and famous should make it outside Japan first, in order to be accepted at home. Mr Aida has not followed Mr Murakami’s advice. He has only rarely lived abroad; some of his drollest work mocks the difficulty of speaking English (“Stop Speaking with Trilled Rs”, he complains). He makes paintings that he admits are often too erotic for public museums, too grotesque for people’s living rooms and too laced with a Lolita complex for non-Japanese tastes.
He says he never thinks of collectors. One piece, “How to Become the World’s Greatest Artist”, could be a sly dig at Mr Murakami’s celebrated commercialism. The work recommends greeting art-world big shots with “Eh? What’s your name again?” Even better, it says, “go ahead and punch them for no reason whatsoever.”
Yet recognition is starting to creep up on Mr Aida—in Japan at least, if not in the West. He, too, seems to be adapting in middle age to the sensitivities of the market. A room in the exhibition containing his most risqué manga, paintings and video is sealed off, like a peep show, from under 18-year-olds. He admits he is toning down the eroticism in some of his larger works so that they can hang in public museums. He will, however, continue to portray “pretty young girls”, he insists. Not only does he find them the most fun to paint; they also represent what he calls the emasculation of Japan’s male society after its wartime defeat.
But Mr Aida will face an uphill struggle for public approval. One of his admiring critics, Akira Tatehata, president of the Kyoto City University of Art, says the artist is still too “dangerous” for the general public—though his brand of eccentricity should be encouraged. Some in Japan wonder why Mori, a company with annual sales of $2 billion and that builds skyscrapers for the uptown elite, should promote such a downtown hellraiser as Mr Aida or indeed those other iconoclastic Asian artists, China’s Ai Weiwei and South Korea’s Lee Bul. That it does is just another of the incongruities of this exhibition.


The Giant Member Fuji versus King Gidora; Takahashi collection, Tokyo. 
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery

MAM TOP PAGEEXHIBITIONSJAPANESE
Latest information and updates on the artist Aida Makoto, his activities and his solo exhibition at the Mori Art Museum, Tokyo.
THE "AIDA MAKOTO: HEISEI KANJIN PROJECT"AIDA MAKOTO 17 November, 2012 - 31 March, 2013 MORI ART MUSEUM

About the Exhibition

Picture of Waterfall
Picture of Waterfall
2007-10
Collection: The National Museum of Art, Osaka
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery
A Picture of an Air Raid on New York City(War Picture Returns)
A Picture of an Air Raid on New York City(War Picture Returns)
1996
CG of Zero fighters created by Matsuhashi Mutsuo
TAKAHASHI Collection, Tokyo
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery
AZEMICHI (a path between rice fields)
AZEMICHI (a path between rice fields)
1991
Collection: Toyota Municipal Museum of Art, Aichi
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery

AIDA MAKOTO, UNVEILED GENIUS IN CHAOS!

Aida Makoto is one of the most noted contemporary artists in Japan today. Though grotesque and erotic in style, Aida's work displays an incisive critical faculty when it comes to political and historical issues.
And, while projecting modern Japanese society, he simultaneously draws heavily on traditional artworks and modes of expression. It is also true, however, that surveying Aida's oeuvre, that very ambiguity starts to resemble a miniature version of Japanese society. This exhibition, Aida Makoto's first solo museum show, will reveal the artist in all his chaotic glory, via around 100 works - including new offerings - covering the two decades since his arrival on the international art scene.
Exhibition Period:November 17 (Sat), 2012 – March 31 (Sun), 2013
>>Open Hours
Venue:Mori Art Museum 53F Roppongi Hills Mori Tower
Organizer:Mori Art Museum
Curated by:Kataoka Mami (Chief Curator, Mori Art Museum)
Corporate Sponsors:OBAYASHI CORPORATION
SANKEN SETSUBI KOGYO CO.,LTD.
SHINRYO CORPORATION
KYUDENKO
Special Support:Aida Makoto: Heisei Kanjin Project
>>List of Supporters
>>Supporter's Messages
Support:Mizuma Art Gallery
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Media Partner:niconico
This exhibition contains works with provocative and sexually explicit content. These works reflect diverse aspects of contemporary society in Japan. However, please be warned if you find subject matter of this nature disturbing. The sexually explicit works are displayed in especially designated room and these are marked as being suitable for 18 years old or older only.
Harakiri School Girls
Harakiri School Girls
2002
Collection: Watai Yasuyuki
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery
Ash Color Mountains
Ash Color Mountains
2009-11
Taguchi Art Collection
Cooperation: Watanabe Atsushi
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery
Kaen Buchi Zasso-zu (Weeds in a Flamelike Frame)
Kaen Buchi Zasso-zu (Weeds in a Flamelike Frame)
1996
Private Collection
Courtesy: Mizuma Art Gallery